As much as a new crucial phase in the war, the Ukrainian operation in Kursk also opened a new chapter in the information front, seen reel by reel across the world.
Russia’s propaganda machine was left paralysed by the speedy Ukrainian progress in Kursk. Fumbling between the various narratives, some state outlets first dismissed the assault as merely a small incursion, others claimed the Russian army had killed "thousands" of Ukrainian troops – despite previously saying that only 1,000 soldiers had crossed the border. TV hosts were left puzzled and speechless.
The international press entered Kursk several days after the first Ukrainian assault columns crossed the border.
The first to go over was a team of Italian RAI journalists who found no massacres or looting, contrary to the opening stages of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Later, groups of Ukrainian and international journalists visited Sudzha, showing scenes that included Ukrainian doctors treating the elderly and soldiers providing humanitarian aid.
Russia was outraged.
The illegal border crossing has led to Moscow opening criminal cases against the two Italian journalists. In response, RAI said "journalism was not a crime" but ordered the pair to head back to Italy over safety concerns.
This followed earlier threats by a Russian military blogger to murder foreign journalists who enter the territory. Previously, Russia has also repeatedly targeted Ukrainian hotels that are used by journalists working near the frontlines.
The later presence of American media in Kursk also led to the Kremlin summoning the US envoy in Moscow, while a criminal investigation was opened against the members of a CNN crew that had entered Kursk.
"Our team was invited by the Ukrainian government, along with other international journalists, and escorted by the Ukrainian military to view territory it had recently occupied," CNN said in a statement. "This is protected activity in accordance with the rights afforded to journalists under the Geneva Convention and international law."
But some dissenting voices also appeared among the Ukrainian journalist community about whether they should be following their army into Russia. According to Viacheslav Ratynskyi, a Ukrainian photojournalist, this would mean repeating what the Kremlin’s mouthpieces have been doing in Crimea and occupied parts of Ukraine since 2014.
In one of many examples, foreign journalists and photographers embarked on tours in the occupied peninsula, which was widely condemned in the Ukrainian media community.
"It was unacceptable for me when Russian journalists went to Donbas or Crimea illegally," said Ratynski. "I decided not to [repeat] that."
'Ethical dilemmas'
Two days after the start of Ukraine's operation, Moscow issued instructions to the state media on how it should cover what was happening in Kursk. According to two sources quoted by the independent Meduza outlet, media reports had to focus on civilian casualties, especially among the children.
But there has been no evidence so far of widespread civilian casualties in Kursk. However, some questionable scenes emerged in the recordings of the Ukrainian soldiers.
Images of destroyed civilian cars were seen littering the approaches to Sudzha in a video that appeared on Ukrainian social media channels. At least one body can be seen in the footage originally posted on TikTok, which has since been deleted. Craters of explosions, as well as anti-tank mines, are also seen next to some of the destroyed vehicles.
It’s unclear how they died or whether they were civilians or Russian troops – there have been other videos showing Ukrainians ambushing Russian forces inside civilian jeeps and vans. Regardless, such videos are already being shared widely across Russian social media channels alleging that Ukrainian troops are targeting civilians.
LRT.lt also analysed dozens of separate video reports. The story of a "pregnant woman" allegedly killed by the Ukrainian forces appears repeatedly in official Russian statements and reports by military bloggers who have grown in prominence since the beginning of the full-scale invasion.
It’s unclear whether such a person has been killed, or how.
But ethical questions persist for the Ukrainian and international press – reporting while under escort by Ukrainian troops makes receiving honest interviews of local civilians challenging. Presumably, they are all speaking under duress.
The Institute for Mass Information (IMI), a prominent media-focused NGO in Ukraine, issued guidelines for journalists, saying that "independent media play a crucial role in providing objective evidence to counter Russia’s propaganda narratives".
"It is important to document events to demonstrate to the world that the Ukrainian military does not commit war crimes, as the Russians did," it wrote. However, there will be "ethical dilemmas", the IMI acknowledged, as the presence of the media may be "perceived as propaganda".
Additionally, the civilians interviewed in places captured by the Ukrainian army may face later reprisals if they criticise the Russian leadership. The IMI, as well as a guidebook published by Ukraine’s media ethics commission, recommended taking steps, such as blurring faces and doing voiceovers, to protect civilian identities. However, LRT.lt found little evidence of that happening.
Winning hearts and minds?
The Kursk operation presents a clear opportunity for Ukraine to win the hearts and minds of both Russians and the international audience that has seen Russian abuse of Ukrainian civilians throughout the war.
"It is important for the world to see what’s happening there," a Ukrainian soldier who took part in the Kursk operation told LRT.lt on condition of anonymity. "The locals who have stayed behind are feeling okay as much as it is possible under the circumstances."
Similarly, a Ukrainian official told the AFP news wire on condition of anonymity that "it was very important that Ukraine does not violate any convention".
"We strictly observe humanitarian law: we do not execute prisoners, we do not rape women, we do not loot," he said, contrasting this position with multiple violations by Russian troops.
According to the IMI media NGO, this will help counter Russian disinformation.
"It is obvious that the presence of foreign and Ukrainian media in Kursk territories controlled by the Ukrainian army makes it difficult for Russian propagandists to do their work," it wrote.
The absence of the all-dominating propaganda in Russia could help shift the narrative inside the country.
"But I think that most of the Russian society would accept what they're told they have to accept," said Samantha de Bendern, an associate professor at the Chatham House think tank focusing on Russia and disinformation. "I know a lot of people in Russia, and I try to talk to them about this, but I just can't."
Most of them "are just digging their head in the sand", she added.
None of the past humiliations caused the Putin regime to wobble – even when there still was free and independent mass media inside Russia and on TV screens.
"After every tragedy in Russia, be it the Kursk submarine, the attack during the Nord-Ost performance, or Beslan, Putin expected his rating to plummet and the public to hold him personally responsible," Mikhail Zygar wrote in his book, All The Kremlin’s Men. "But it never happened."
The article was updated on August 30 to include the media instructions given by the Kremlin.
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